Are more foreign soldiers likely to do any better for Haiti?
THE EDITOR, Madam:
My letter on Haiti to The Gleaner (September 15) was submitted on the 12th, before the article by Sir Ron Sanders (September 13) emerged. His interest, differing from mine, was on the role of the OAS, the Organization of American States. Sanders is ambassador of his country, Antigua and Barbuda, to the US and the OAS.
The issue at hand is the UN Security Council resolution proposed by the United States and Panama. This calls for the present small Kenyan-led UN mission in Haiti to be replaced by a “suppression force” substantially increased by 5,500 men. with authority to detain gang members and secure critical infrastructure, such as airports.
Sanders recognises, rightly, that force alone is not enough. Only by addressing social and economic conditions can gangs be dealt with. The OAS’s backstopping is by way of institutional support, e.g., hospital assistance, rights compliance, funds supply and control. It is not involved in the use of force. Its mandate does not allow this.
Despite these two positives, Sanders’ position is essentially the US Security Council’s proposal of reliance on increased force and acceptance of the current “authorities”. This is the US-approved council of nine with its record of internal disagreements, and three of its members having been charged last year with accepting a banker’s large bribe.
The additional soldiers will probably be taken from one or more African countries, ‘persuaded’, like Kenya was, by US dollars. Are more foreign soldiers likely do any better than the Kenyans to resolve Haiti’s violent gang problem? Or are they simply continued cover for US exploiting involvement?
The OAS will not challenge a US proposal. Headquartered in Washington, this institution has been long dominated by the US. Under US influence, it suspended Cuba in 1962 (though revoking that exclusion in 2009, Cuba, by its own choice, then declined membership). It has followed the US’s lead on Venezuela.
The search for, and identification of, genuine Haitian leaders is not considered. They exist, like the Montana Group, among the many small economic and sociopolitical organisations on the ground. Here alone is where the hope for revival in Haiti is to be found, among the Haitian people. It is an arduous task.
HORACE LEVY